Frenchwoman Marine Le Pen is the Putin fan who could fuck us all
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s macabre massacre in Bucha shattered the conventional wisdom that a bully must have a toothbrush mustache to be called a fascist.
And nowhere outside Ukraine do Putin’s barbaric crimes ooze more than in France, where polls this week indicate fascist 2022 presidential candidate and Putin fangirl Marine Le Pen could garner nearly 49% of the vote in a likely second round against outgoing President Emmanuel Macron on April 24. This is the first time that two finalists have been tested so closely,” according to a Harris Interactive poll.
Le Pen calls himself a populist and bristles at being called a fascist. But not all the perfumes of France can pickle the stench of Le Pen. Neither did French justice, which ruled eight years ago that it was legal to call her a fascist. “While the term ‘fascist’ can have insulting connotations when used outside of any political context or if it is accompanied by other degrading terms, it does not, on the other hand, have any insulting character when it is used between political opponents on a political subject,” the judge said. declared.
Classic 1930s fascism comes in many shapes, sizes, colors and countries today, which Le Pen continues to camouflage with worthless guarantees that his party of hobgoblins in designer costumes are against racism and forced repression. of the opposition.
Putin’s United Russia party spews the same disinformation to its docile public, but Le Pen, whose far-right National Front party borrowed 11 million euros in 2014 from Banks controlled by the Kremlin-convincing the French that she is more than just a narcissistic con man making her third stumble for the presidency as Putin’s war poodle?
Nothing is more venerable in politics than a short memory.
Last year, Le Pen defended far-right group Génération Identitaire when the government shut down this mob hailing Nazis for hate speech and created private militias to target migrants. The lady from Neuilly-sur-Seine meanwhile backed a group of retired French generals who wrote two open letters to Macron threatening a military coup.
The generals warned that France was on the brink of civil war, proclaimed patriotism dead on the vine and complained that the country was steeped in anti-white racism. Meanwhile, one of Le Pen’s advisers, Damien Rieu, marched through the streets wearing a pig mask to protest against the sale of Halal meat.
“I know that the presidential campaign is actively developing in France,” Putin told Le Pen during their 2017 meeting in the Kremlin. “Of course,” he added casually, “we don’t want to influence events in any way.”
Le Pen reiterated his support for Putin’s assault on Crimea and his opposition to EU sanctions in response to annexation. If elected, Le Pen pledged in 2017, “I would consider lifting the sanctions fairly quickly.”
She became a full-time cast member of the Kremlin horror show 38 days after Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, telling a primetime French newscast on March 31 that Putin “could become an ally of France again” if the war ended. “Russia is not going anywhere,” she told French public broadcaster France 2. “I have always said that a great power can be an ally in a number of situations.”
In the bloody riptide of Ukraine, Ernest Hemingway’s description of the genesis of a fascist is no longer shrouded in literary ambiguity. “There are many who don’t know they are fascists but who will find out when the time comes,” the Nobel laureate wrote in For Whom the Bell Tolls.
This time has come. Yet those responsible for the conventional wisdom of democracy continue to use cautious language to describe Le Pen’s candidacy and Putin’s Ukrainian genocide. How can anyone other than a Russian propagandist troll watch wheelbarrows of bodies shot in the head and alter such shameful, palpable evidence with “presumed?” There comes a time when phrases like “reasonable to believe” and “yet to prove” are the biggest obscenities.
“Madame Le Pen can win.”
“The base is usually much more primitive than we imagine,” Fascist marketer Joseph Goebbels told his Führer. “Propaganda must therefore always be essentially simple and repetitive.”
But Allied tanks will not rush to Moscow to drag culprits from the Kremlin to the International War Crimes Tribunal. Putin is not going to swallow a hydrogen cyanide capsule and then shoot himself in the head with a Walther PPK. The ruble rebounds, Dubai and Istanbul happily welcome rich Russian desperadoes. Putin’s oil and natural gas, worth about $22 billion since the invasion, continues to flow.
So there is no point in fooling ourselves. Amazon could have delivered the weapons Volodymyr Zelensky needs faster than NATO. Blind and boundless faith in the Ukrainian military exorcising Putin anytime soon begins to fade, lingering beliefs of Western defiance begin to be tempered by desperation, soaring energy prices on both sides of the Atlantic and the specter of inflation on a speed trip.
And if the polls are to be believed, the idea that Marine Le Pen will be the next president of France is not radiant; warned Macron’s former prime minister, Édouard Philippe: “Mrs. Le Pen can win.
The central horror of the Putin-Le Pen combo is the risk of a toxic cascading effect on the world’s democracies and the future of Ukraine’s bitter struggle for survival. If Hemingway had been there to chronicle Putin’s feast of fascism, the book would most certainly have been titled The foam also rises.